The increase in the volume, scale, and velocity of social (and environmental) interactions. Globalization is not new, pre-dating colonialism. Ash (2004) TIBG 29, 2 describes globalization as a politically driven project, led by the US government, the World Bank, the World Trade Organization, and the G8. Jackson (2004) TIBG 29, 2 prefers to think of ‘globalizing’ rather than ‘globalized’, suggesting that globalization ‘might be better thought of as a site of struggle rather than as a foregone conclusion’. The strong globalization thesis stresses the primacy of global economic forces over national/domestic political ones, emphasizing the decline of the social democratic politics and the limitations of national governments; see Weiss, in G. Ritzer and Z. Atala, eds (2010), who contrasts it with weak globalization. Tickell and Peck in J. Peck and H. W. Yeung, eds (2003) argue that globalization is not a monolithic phenomenon, but produces its own geography.
Globalization operates on a number of scales; Swyngedouw in G. Clark et al. (2000) refers to the changes in the relationships between geographical scales, which create ‘a new scalar migration, especially of the poor’. Taylor (2007) GaWC Res. Bull. 238 claims that, generally, globalization is associated with a rescaling argument in which national domination of social practice is dissipating upwards to the global, and downwards to the local. Ash (2004) TIBG 29, 2 believes that globalization is creating a ‘new, topologically and hierarchically structured economic space which is substantially different from the hitherto dominant world system based on territorially organized and state-regulated economies’. But globalization impinges differently on different places, and in locally specific ways (see OECD (2001) Devolution and Globalization); in Dicken’s view (2004, TIBG 29, 1) bounded political places matter—‘global changes are manifested most directly at the local level’ (P. Dicken 2003). Taylor in W. Dunaway et al., eds (2003) expects globalization to change ‘the existing state-centric view’ into a city-centric view of the world. ‘The global economy thrives on the specialized differences of countries, regions, and cities. But it does need homogenized standards…and…it also needs standardized built environments’ (Sassen (2008) Urb. Geog. 29, 2).
Martin (2004, TIBG 29, 2) believes that access to key resources and assets are crucial to a nation’s (or region’s) prosperity under globalizations, while Dicken (op. cit.) underlines the importance of the spatial and territorial range and flexibility of the actors involved. Feminists argue that studies of globalization have tended to privilege the global over the local, and as a result have overlooked how global processes are embodied differently across social categories such as gender and race; see R. Nagar, V. Lawson, L. McDowell, and S. Hanson (2002).
Globalization has many detractors, who claim that global capital privileges profit over local interests and deplore the ‘Westernization’ of local cultures and what they see as the negation of local identities and autonomies (Amin and Graham (1997) TIBG 22, 4). ‘There is the argument that the global market has made us all the same anyway because there are the same burger bars, coffee shops and fashion outlets in every town centre and in every continent…Maybe this immense crumpling of space—the vastly increased connectedness that undoubtedly has happened—has given us an illusion of knowledge—a presumption that can be both dangerous, I would suggest, and potentially imperial…This particular version of the shrinking world is not just a description of the world as it is, however correct or incorrect. It is actually part of a project. It is geographical mythmaking, to convince us of globalisation in its current form’ (Massey, OU Radio Lecture, November 2006). Others suggest that globalization is a dialectical process; it invades local contexts of action, but new forms of local existence and expression emerge (Bollywood as well as Hollywood; see creolization). Escobar (2001) Pol. Geog. 20, 2 cites hybridization as proof that culture still ‘sits in place’.
In order to rein in excesses of neoliberalism and abuses of state regulation, Falk in J. Dunning, ed. (2003) argues for globalization with a human face, based on the consent of citizenry, human rights, participation, and accountability; see also Dicken in J. Peck and H. W. Yeung, eds (2003). ‘In the political geographies of globalization, three main themes stand out: dominance, governance, and resistance’ (Sparke (2004) PHG 28, 6).