The evolution of distinct neighbourhoods recognizable by their characteristic ethnic identity. Massey and Denton (1988) Social Forces 67 distinguish five dimensions of residential segregation: evenness, exposure, concentration, centralization, and clustering. Phillips et al. (2007) TIBG 32, 2 discuss multiple readings of ethnic segregation.

External causes (imposed by the charter group) of ethnic segregation include discrimination, low incomes—which direct them towards inner-city locations—and the need for minorities to locate near the CBD since much of their employment is located there. Internal causes (springing from the ethnic group) include a desire to locate near facilities serving the group, such as specialized shops and places of worship, desire for proximity to kin, and protection against attack; see Fossett (2006) J. Math. Soc. 30, 3–4.

Clark and Morrison (2008) Pop. Res. & Policy Rev. 27, 3 find that an upgrading of housing stock may promote ethnically homogeneous apartment-building ‘neighbourhoods’ within an otherwise unsegregated ethnically diverse area, and Fossett (2006) J. Math. Soc. 30, 3–4 reports that reductions in housing discrimination may not necessarily lead to large declines in ethnic segregation in the short run. Ellis et al. (2004) AAAG 940 reveal that segregation by work tract is considerably lower than by residential tract. Lobo et al. (2007) Urb. Geog. 28, 7 argue that ethnicity itself is wielded as a potent force as a group moves into a neighbourhood and eventually dominates it. Phillips (2007) Geog. Compass 1, 5 explores the politics of data collection, categorization, and representation in ethnic segregation research.